Today marks50 years since the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, which resulted in thousands of dead, missing and displaced people and the occupation of 37% of the island. Throughout these years, the KKE has consistently denounced it, highlighted the international character of the problem and expressed its internationalist solidarity with the working class and popular strata of Cyprus, the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, Armenians, Maronites and Latins.

The terrible 50^th anniversary of the Turkish invasion and occupation of Cyprus provides an opportunity to studythese historical events. It also provides an opportunity for the peoples to reflect on the negative and dangerous role played historically and still being played today by the USA, Britain, NATO and the EU as regards the resolution of the Cyprus problem, as well as the plans that are being developed in the context of the competition between the bourgeois classes of Greece, Turkey and Cyprus.

Therefore, we should not ignore the fact that in 1974, the Cyprus Problem was already a tangle of many intertwined contradictions with deep historical roots. The Zurich-London Agreements were a key point of reference in the final phase of the sharpening of these contradictions.

With the Zurich (11/2/1959) and London (19/2/1959) Agreements, Cyprus was essentially subjected to tripartite British-Greek-Turkish co-sovereignty. The establishment of the Cypriot state, as a product of inter-capitalist compromises, with the presence of British bases, troops of three states and the separation of the Greek Cypriots from the Turkish Cypriots in the local institutions, essentially undermined the unity of Cyprus from the very beginning, i.e. created conditions for partition, even Double Enosis (union).The content of the Zurich and London Agreements, which made three states guarantors of the independence of another country, could not be a lasting compromise. Thus, a brief respite was followed by a new phase of aggravation of the internal and external conflicts in Cyprus.

The coup staged by the military junta in Cyprus and the subsequent invasion by the Turkish army was the dramatic culmination and conclusion of the chain of events that preceded it.

Thecompetition between the bourgeois classes of Greece and Turkey for the enhancement of their role in the south-eastern Mediterranean (one at the expense of the other) played a key role in the tangle of these conflicts. The existence of two communitiesin Cyprus, the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot, provided the ideal basis for the justification and implementation of the aims of the two rival bourgeois classes, which fostered both Greek nationalism and Turkish expansionism.

On the other hand, British imperialismobstructed the timely and substantial resolution of the Cyprus Problem and created the framework for the interventions on both sides and the separation of the two Cypriot communities. At the same time, Great Britain continued to maintain strong interests and two military bases on the island. Over time, Britain’s blatant interventionism was joined by that of the USA.

In addition, the Greek Cypriot bourgeoisie, which did not want to follow and depend on the calculations and practices of the foreign policy of the Greek bourgeoisie (which initially, supported Enosisin an inconsistent manner), increasingly opted for the goal of independence (instead of the goal of Enosis, which it eventually rejected completely). As a result, at the end of the 1950s, the conflict between Greece and Cyprus was added to the already existing conflicts.

The fact that the Cypriot government turned to the Soviet Union for helppotentially and objectively drove a wedge intoNATO’s south-eastern wing, at a time of heightened conflict in the south-eastern Mediterranean and repeated Arab-Israeli military conflicts.

In the light of the above, it is clear why the plans that were put on the table objectively and inevitably led to the partition of Cyprus and consequently to the union of the Cypriot territories with Greece and Turkey respectively, which would also ensure the transformation of the “unsinkable aircraft carrier”, i.e. Cyprus, into a NATO launching pad in the south-eastern Mediterranean.

During the 1960s, the method of forming enclaves was used and Turkish Cypriots were moved to specific areas in order to form a territorial Turkish Cypriot zone.

In the context of inter-imperialist competition, the Colonels’Regime initially favoured a drastic and short-term solution to the Cyprus Question through the Enosis of Cyprus with Greece, with or without territorial compensation to Turkey, on the basis of the non-binding agreement of the foreign ministers of the two states (1966). The leadership of the dictatorship believed that this proposal would also secure the interests of the USA in the region, as it would essentially turn Cyprus into a NATO territory. However, after the strong reaction of the Turkish state, the threat of a military conflict and the distancing of the USA, two different tendencies developed within its ranks: The first, mainly expressed by Papadopoulos,was a continuation of the policy of the pre-junta bourgeois governments, while a group of coup leaders around Ioannidis continued to advocate a drastic solution. The overthrow of Papadopoulos by Ioannidis, the junta coup in Cyprus, the attempted assassination of Makariosand the appointment of the pro-junta Sampson as President of the Republic of Cyprus created the ideal conditions for Turkish intervention. The Turkish aspirations for Cyprus were completed with the invasion and occupation, with “Attila 1” and “Attila 2”, in July and August 1974, respectively.

After the invasion, the Turkish state worked systematically to impose the position for a Bicommunal–Bizonal Federation and to achieve for this position —as a compromise— to be included in the materials of the talks, as a basis on its part for a dichotomous, confederal solution, two states.

In 1983, the "Turkish Republic of North Cyprus" was declared and the false state was utilized once again to create a fait accompli.

In practice, it has been demonstrated that a tactical position, a “final compromise” of the Greek Cypriot side, which led to the position for a Bicommunal–Bizonal Federation, was later transformed into a position of principle and foundation for the solution of the Cyprus Issue.

In these 50 years, the imperialist powers have tried to legitimize the results of the Turkish invasion and occupation,marked by the “Annan plan” 20 years ago.

The KKE was the only political force in Greece that decisively and clearly denounced the confederal, dichotomous “Annan Plan” and supported the NO of the Cypriot people in the relevant referendum of April 2004. The “Annan Plan”was neither just nor viable and its promotion entangled the peoples of Greece and Turkey in new hazards. The KKE was the only party in the Greek parliament that organized mobilizations against this plan and due to the pressure exerted by it a joint statement in favour of the “Annan Plan” was prevented at the meeting of the party leaders called then by the President of the republic in Greece.

Today, examining the developments from the point of view of the workers’–people’s interests, we see that dangerous positions are being rehashed, which perpetuate the consequences of the invasion - occupation and promote the partition of Cyprus, with the approach of “two constituent states”, which is a confederal, dichotomous solution.

Moreover, we should not overlook the fact that these plans are aimed at exploiting the geostrategic position of Cyprus in the competition between the USA-NATO-EU and Russia, underthe conditions of an intensification of the general inter-imperialist competition in our region,where the imperialist wars are raging in Ukraine and in the Middle East - Red Sea and thegenocidal operation by the occupying state of Israel against the Palestinian people in Gaza is continuing.

The basis for the position of the KKE is the united interests of the working people of Cyprus as a whole, the necessity to coordinate the struggle of the working class and popular strata of Cyprus, Turkey and Greece, confronting the situation caused by the invasion-occupation form the standpoint of the class struggle in the direction of liberation from the shackles of capitalist exploitation.

Specifically, the position of the KKE on the Cyprus problem is determined by the following axes:

The Cyprus problem is an international problem of the invasion and occupation of the northern part of Cyprus by Turkey. It is marked by the intervention of NATO and the more general imperialist plans in the region. The international character also arises from the relevant decisions of the UN Security Council.

We are in favour of the withdrawal of the occupation and all the other foreign military forces from Cyprus and more generally we support the elimination of the consequences of the Turkish occupation, the end to the settlements, the right of refugees to return to their homes and the withdrawal of the settlers, taking into account social and humanitarian criteria.

We support the closure of the British bases and the abolition of the special status they have enjoyed for so many years.

• The KKE considers that the struggle of the working class and popular strata must be directed to goal for a Cyprus, where its people will be the masters, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, Armenians, Latins and Maronites. A Cyprus united, independent, with one single sovereignty, one citizenship and international personality, without foreign bases and troops, without foreign guarantors and protectors.
• For the KKE, a united Cyprus means:

--A united state formation:One state and not two states.

--The right to free movement, residence and stay of working class–popular families in all areas of the Island, without conditions and commitments, regardless of whether they are Turkish Cypriots, Greek Cypriots, Armenians, Maronites or Latins.

--Safeguarding of labour, social-security, social rights without discriminations. Respect for the right of all people to speak their language and for their children to be educated. Respect for the religious choices and cultural traditions.

• On this basis, the position of the KKE for a united Cyprus fights against nationalism and ghettoization, which are caused by “bizonality” and the two “constituent states”, and expresses the necessity for the united organization and joint struggle of the working class and popular strata of Cyprus, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, Armenians, Latins and Maronites, against the bourgeois class, against the EU, against NATO.

The conflict against capitalist exploitation and the confrontation against the aggressiveness of capital, the struggle for goals that serve the contemporary needs of the people, even more so in the complex conditions of the sharpening inter-imperialist antagonisms and imperialist wars in our region, require the utilization of the experience that has been accumulated, the reinforcement of proletarian internationalism and the coordination of the struggle of the working class and popular strata in Greece, Cyprus, Turkey and of other peoples in the region.

As a whole, the joint coordinated struggle of the working class and popular strata in Greece, Cyprus, Turkey and the other peoples of the region must be directed against the monopolies and the exploitative system, for workers’–people’s power and the socialization of their wealth, for disengagement from the imperialist organizations, from the EU, from NATO, for the formation of international relations, which will be based on mutual benefit.

20 July 2024